Южный филиал медиакультура и медиаобразование в поликультурном обществе
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| Об авторе: Професссор Мадан Верма родом из Западного Пенджаба, окончил Делийский университет, получив степень магистра по двум специальностям – политологии и истории. Впоследствии он защитил диссертацию по теме «Техники Ганди по мобилизации масс». Преподавал в качестве профессора в Университете Дели (1962-1995). Доктор Верма потратил более 20 лет своей жизни в продвижении международного взаимопонимания в социально-культурных и межрелигиозных областях. В 1989 году он основал центр по изучению ООН, а в 2005 году Межконфессиональный Фонд Индии. Последние десять лет проф. Верма посвятил свое время изучению и исследованию основных Писаний мира. Он пришел к выводу об их смысловой идентичности. Проф. Верма особенно много выступает против фундаменталистских подходов и экстремистского поведения в рамках религии, в то же время он не поддерживает идею объединения религий и создание некоей новой единой для всех религии. Профессор Верма мечтает о мире, свободном от религиозных ограничений, границ и конфликтов. 12 апреля 1989 года доктор М. Верма получил медаль выдающийся вклад в продвижение индо-польских отношений от вице-президента Польши доктора Тадеуша Сцеляховского. 15 ноября 2006 года награжден наградой от религиозного объединения сикхов Индии. С согласия автора мы предлагаем выдержку из его книги «Gandhi`s technique of mass mobilization» [23], посвященной средствам пропаганды и массовой информации. А. А. Гуцалов Propaganda The modern propagandist is an expert psychologist, an adept in symbol-making and phrase-coining, and a demagogue who can by subtle suggestions and mass hypnosis evoke in the people the desired emotional effect and behaviour. He presses into service a wide range of instruments, viz., TV, radio, the press, padayatra, parades and processions, slogans and oratory, colour and pageantry, painting and music, drama and sculpture, magic and religion etc. All these have their own place in the propagandist's artistry. But Gandhi believed that “the appeal of reason is more to the head but penetration of heart comes from suffering” [24]. He said, “Up to the year 1906, I simply relied on appeal to reason… But I found that reason failed to produce an impression when the critical moment arrived in South Africa” [25]. The tremendous hold that Gandhi acquired over the masses in India is ample evidence of his being a great propagandist. For three decades, Gandhi dominated Indian politics and represented the Indian masses as no other Indian leader did before or after him. Gandhi had a flair for using various means of propaganda to the best of his advantage. His Dandi march, the manufacture of salt, the bonfire of certificates in South Africa [26] and of foreign cloth in India, and hartals [27] are some of the instances which bear testimony to his effectiveness in this respect. They struck the imagination of the people. No doubt, suffering in the service of the community advances the cause of mass mobilization as nothing else can, but the satyagrahi, not having complete thought control due to human imperfections, has to tap various means, such as, the press and the platform, parades and processions, songs and other visual and verbal symbols which can help educate and mobilize public opinion. To Gandhi, there was nothing basically wrong in the use of these legitimate means of propaganda. Before the Congress accepted office in the provinces in 1937, Gandhi suggested that the assumption of power by the Congress should be inaugurated with something that caught the imagination of the masses [28]. The above-said modes of propaganda ought to be treated as tools of service to the masses. In 1936, members of the Gandhi Seva Sangh stressed the need of some kind of organized propaganda in order to help spread Gandhi's teachings. Gandhi, while insisting that satyagraha ought to be demonstrated by the life of a satyagrahi, conceded that other methods of propaganda could also be utilized. In his speeches the satyagrahi must avoid all traces of untruth and exaggeration and must not seek to arouse in the audience violent feelings of anger or hatred. This does not mean that a satyagrahi's addresses are unimpressive. Nothing is more impressive or more effective than truth. The language of Gandhi's speeches was biblical in its simplicity. He utterly lacked the hypnotic mannerism of delivery and semi-hysteric shouting and shrieking which characterized, for instance, Hitler's demagogic performances. Gandhi uttered with all humility, “I am no speaker, not at any rate a speaker in demand” [29]. Gandhi uttered in his speech at Rajkot on 31 May 1939. I Not Mere Speeches Gandhi said, “But if we confine our activities.. ..only to holding meetings, the nation is likely to suffer harm. Meetings and speeches have their own place and time. But they cannot make a Nation?” [30]. Addressing students of Gujrat National University, Gandhi said, “This is not the time for words but for deeds and I have called upon you to contribute your quota to the national sacrifice” [31]. II Conferences “Conferences do not, as a rule, after the end of their deliberations, appear to leave behind them an executive body, and even when such a body is appointed, it is, to use the language of late Mr. Gokhale, composed of men who are amateurs. What is wanted in order to effect to the resolutions of such conferences, is men who would make it their business to do so”, said Gandhi [32]. Gandhi's simple utterances made an irresistible appeal [33]. Gandhi disregarded all attempts at exploiting public opinion through propaganda. The discipline and example of the volunteer serves propaganda in itself. Gandhi once remarked to some Christian missionaries: “...the moment there is spiritual expression in life surroundings will readily respond. There is no desire to speak when lives the truth. Truth is most economical of words. There is thus no or other evangelism than life [34]. Gandhi adopted some educative instruments of public opinion which had great propaganda value but not characterised by any sort of demagogic performances or exploitation of public opinion. Gandhi distrusted undue enthusiasm and discouraged demonstrations and slogans that smacked of anger or intolerance. In satyagraha meetings, he always insisted on discipline, respect for opposite views, and speeches not being punctuated with either marks of approval or disapproval of the audience [35]. Propaganda is different from correct information and scientific exposition. Gandhi's views regarding propaganda were totally different from those of the western attitude. He distinguished between an argumentative speech and another that was intended to be a feeling appeal [36]. He was against exploiting public opinion and acquiring over it an illegitimate power. He believed in propaganda in the sense of transmitting and disseminating truth and educating public opinion along non-violent lines. It is not enough for the satyagrahi to follow the ideals of truth and non-violence himself, he should also help others to follow them and live up to them. The suffering satyagrahi moves our entire being, makes the ideal vivid by living and infuses in us an enduring heart-felt belief which affects our conduct much more than mere intellectual conviction. Gandhi made full propaganda in the preparation of civil disobedience [37]. His emphasis used to be on: Enlistment of volunteers, Propaganda of swadeshi, Removal of untouchability and Training of non-violence in words, deeds and thought. Although satyagraha can operate silently, it requires a certain amount of action on the part of a satyagrahi. A satyagrahi, for instance, must first mobilize public opinion against the evil which he is out to eradicate, by means of a wide and intensive agitation. When public opinion is sufficiently roused against a social abuse even the tallest dare not practise or openly lend support to it. An awakened and intelligent public opinion is the most potent weapon of a satyagrahi [38]. Volunteers be invited to work with the villagers and explain to them what they would be expected to do under swaraj, when attained. Thus, men or women who go to the villages should be able to tell the village people that it would be their duty to keep their villages clean and make them self-supporting [39]. III Padayatra It was Gandhi's experience that touring on foot was better propaganda than a whirlwind campaign by car and aeroplane. Gandhi had undertaken many a propaganda tour of the country. The two most impressive of these were the historic march on foot to Dandi during the civil disobedience movement of 1930 and the village-to-village peace pilgrimage in Noakhali during 1946-47. Gandhi was a very effective propagandist. The reason of his success was that he himself followed what he had been preaching. His devotion to truth and non-violence, a devotion ringing so clear in his writings and utterances, his all-sided self-control, his meekness combined with unbending and unbendable strength of a true satyagrahi, the bare body and the loincloth - all indicated an unusually close approximation of personal life to principles. Thus the success of his appeal was primarily due to the force of his personality, i.e., his soul-force. As the English proverb goes, “The proof of pudding lies in the eating”. Gandhi said, “We shall be judged not by our words but solely by our deeds. It is therefore not enough that we sign the pledge” [40]. IV Press Gandhi said, “You may say that books and newspapers are needed in order to help workers and answer critics. Well, I write as much as is needed in order to explain the things I stand for... write, if you feel that you cannot do without it. But let not your work suffer or the people's enthusiasm be damped because you fail to publish books” [41]. Newspapers are needed in order to help workers and answer critics. A properly conducted journal can be a powerful weapon in satyagraha. Writing about Indian Opinion, which he published in South Africa, Gandhi observed, “Satyagraha would probably have been impossible without Indian Opinion” [42]. Perhaps Young India and Nova Jivan (in Gujrati) and later Harijan played no less an illustrious part in the mass movements in India. These journals were a mirror of Gandhi's non-violent life and a medium of educating the reading public in the inner meaning of Satyagraha [43]. In order that journalism may play its legitimate part its sole aim should be service, i.e., it should fearlessly express and educate public opinion and expose popular defects and abuses in the state. Gandhi held that no journal could realize the ideal of service so long as it depended for support on the advertisers and permitted its pages to be soiled in indecent advertisements. He, had such newspapers in mind while addressing some college students in 1925. He characterizes the craze for newspapers as “pitiable and terrible” for newspapers afford nothing of human interest. They offer nothing to help the character [44]. A news paper should be self-supporting for this is the clearest proof that the service that the paper renders is actually desired and appreciated by the community and is not imposed upon it by force [45]. The profits, if any, should be utilized for some constructive public activity [46]. Newspapers, moreover, must weigh every word they write and must not indulge in untruth or exaggeration or bitterness [47]. In case government placed serious restrictions on the freedom of the press, Gandhi advised newspapers either to cease publication or to challenge government and brave all consequences. During the freedom struggle when government suppressed the entire English and vernacular press, Gandhi advised satyagrahis to use and depend on small handwritten unregistered news letters [48] for carrying their messages to the masses. Gandhi made use of posters also advising people to boycott the visit of the Prince of Wales in 1921. He also advised the people to fearlessly distribute prohibited literature. Gandhi never resorted to surreptitious practices and did everything openly [49]. Gandhi put forth the programme to be observed by the people on 26 January 1930 [50]. The people should know, understand and appreciate the message of the Congress, and they must know what independence meant and what it was likely to cost. He advised house to house visits for the distribution of leaflets in order to disseminate the message of the Lahore Congress to the masses. In the villages, the programme was to be announced by drumbeat. Gandhi advised that the rest of the day should pass in doing some constructive work, such as spinning, service to untouchables, reunion of Hindus and Muslims, prohibition work, sale of khadi and visit to the neigbouring shops to apprise their keepers of the evil of earning a livelihood or making money by selling foreign goods. When the anti-war satyagraha of 1940-41 started there was a fear that the government might suppress the entire Congress press. Gandhi advised extensive use of oral news dissemination as a substitute for the printed words. He wrote, “Let every one become his own walking newspaper and carry the good news from mouth to mouth. The idea here is of my telling my neighbour what I have authentically heard. This, no government can overtake or suppress. It is the cheapest newspaper yet devised, and it defies the wit of the government, however clear it may be. Let these walking newspapers be sure of the news they give” [51]. The usual means of propaganda are in the hands of the capitalists who are the exploiters. Therefore, they cannot be fully utilized by those seeking to revolutionize the existing social, political and economic system. On the other hand, service and sacrifices are open to all. The press and similar means of propaganda must never offend against truth and non-violence and the emphasis must be on quality rather than on speed and quantity. Speed is not the end of life [52]. V Constructive Programme By far the best propaganda for mass mobilization was constructive programme. It was the real form of satyagraha, i.e., non-violent direct action. It was undertaken with a view to removing obstruction from the path of regeneration. Constructive programme was instrumental to “internal growth”. It was the concrete expression of truth and non violence. Gandhi said, “The constructive programme is a big undertaking including a number of items: 1. Hindu-Muslim or Communal Unity; 2. Removal of Untouchability; 3. Prohibition; 4. Khadi; 5. Other Village Industries; 6. Village Sanitation; 7. New or Basic Education; 8. Adult Education; 9. Uplift of Women; 10. Education in Hygiene and Health; 11. Propagation of Rasbtrabhasha; 12. Cultivating Love of one's own language; 13. Working for Economic Equality. This list can be supplemented, if necessary, but it is so comprehensive that I think it can be proved to include items appearing to have been omitted [53]”. Some of the organizations for constructive programme of Gandhi: [54] 1. Gandhiji's Sevagram Ashram, 2. Kasturba Hospital, 3. Nai Talim Samaj, 4. Khadi Research Institute, 5. Gandhi Seva Sangh, 6. Mahilashram, 7. Bajajwadi, 8. Shiksha Mandal, 9. Gandhi Gyan Mandir, 10. Village Industries Research Institute, 11. Magan Sangrahalaya, 12. Rashtra Bhasha Prachar Samiti, 13. Gandhi Memorial Leprosy Foundation, 14. Gram Seva Mandal, 15. Go Seva Sangh, 16. Meharogi Seva Mandal, 17. Paramdham Ashram and 18. Matru Seva Sangh. Gandhi emphasized the ideal and earnestness of efforts. Once it starts with a few individuals, it becomes infectious. In his words, “What a few may do, others will copy, and the movement will grow like the coconut of the mathematical problem. What the leaders do, populace will gladly follow” [55]. The constructive programme included work among the labourers, kisans and students. In respect to the labourers, Gandhi believed that the non-violent organization of Ahmedabad was a model for India. The primary aim of the constructive programme was to raise labourers to the status which they deserved. In a predominantly agricultural country like India, the masses meant kisans [56]. A proper method of organizing the kisans was shown by Gandhi's Kisan Movement in Champaran, Kheda, Bardoli and Borsad. He categorically stated that kisans should not be exploited for political purposes. He was in favour of cooperative farming and cooperative cattle rearing. He advocated that a reasonable living wage should be paid to the landless labourers. The constructive programme carried Gandhi's message to the Indian peasants and created among them consciousness of their rights. It provided an opportunity to the rank and file to do some work for social reconstruction. It produced common bonds of fraternity. Gandhi held that constructive activities were more important than direct action. In fact, Gandhi attached far greater importance to constructive than to political work. Thus he wrote in 1931, “...my work of social reform was in no way less than or subordinate to political work. The fact is that to a certain extent my social work would be impossible without the help of political work, I took to the latter and only to the extent that it helped the former. I must, therefore, confess that work of social reform or self-purification of this nature is a hundred times dearer to me than what is called purely political work” [57]. Constructive work, as Gandhi wrote in 1930, “must throw together the people and their leaders whom they would trust implicitly. Trust begotten in the pursuit of continuous constructive work becomes a tremendous asset at the critical moment” [58]. Constructive activities are not only an evidence of the sincerity of satyagrahis but also show to the masses, as mere words cannot, the potentiality of satyagraha for ending all exploitation and elevating their status. Constructive work also goes a long way to convince the opponent of the non-violent intentions of satyagrahis. Describing the power and utility of constructive programme, Gandhi wrote in 1922, “it will steady and calm us. It will wake our organizing spirit, it will make us industrious, it will make us fit for Swaraj, it will cool our blood”. The constructive programme turns a raw satyagrahi recruit into a disciplined soldier. Being a sure test of the earnestness of satyagrahis, it weeds out moral weaklings and opportunists. Constructive programme should be quiet, solid and substantial. It is a direct personal service of the masses - suffering for them, organizing them, educating them in the ways of non-violence and thus bringing about a peaceful atmosphere of solemn determination. Constructive work is thus collective purification effort through service. It is mass effort and mass education. To Gandhi, “Constructive work, therefore, is for a non-violent army, what drilling etc., is for an army designed for bloody warfare. Individual civil disobedience among an unprepared people and by leaders not known to or trusted by them is of no avail, and mass civil disobedience is an impossibility” [37]. Just as military training is necessary for armed revolt, training in constructive work is equally necessary for civil resistance. In 1930, Gandhi referred to constructive work as “our national ammunition” [59]. Even the earliest satyagraha campaign in South Africa had its positive constructive side, e.g., activities concerning “internal improvement” [60]. In 1920, Gandhi presented the constructive programme to Congress. Since then his faith in the efficiency of the programme had grown. He laid increasing stress on satyagrahis working for the constructive programme before plunging into non-violent direct action. It helps generate and build moral strength of the masses. Constructive programme acts as an antidote to possible intoxication of victory or depression of a setback. “Constructive programme”, Gandhi wrote in 1930, “is not essential for local civil disobedience or specific relief, as in the case of Bardoli. A tangible common grievance restricted to a particular locality is enough. But for such an indefinable thing as Swaraj, people must have previous training for doing things of all-India interest” [61]. But even in the case of Bardoli, as Gregg points out, Gandhi ascribed much of the success to the fact that a constructive economic and social programme of reform had been going on there for six or seven years previously. In order to facilitate the reconstruction of Indian society, Gandhi struggled to overthrow the political system by means of non-violent direct action. But the work of construction was not to wait till the state machinery was captured. He aimed at reducing state action to the minimum and believed in reform from within through private, i.e., non governmental activities. Constructive work was to precede direct action, accompany it and fellow it. According to him, the satyagrahi builds anew even as he struggles against an outmoded and unjust social order. Gandhi was a philosophical anarchist. According to Gandhi, if satyagrahis find that they hunger and thirst merely for joining battle with the adversary, then direct action will be destructive and violent. It will imply that satyagrahis lack the spirit of service and non-violence and still harbour violence. As Gandhi once remarked, “Unaccompanied by the spirit of service, courting imprisonment and inviting beating and lathi charges, becomes a species of violence” [62]. “Civil disobedience without the backing of 'the constructive programme, is criminal and a waste of effort”. In 1942, Gandhi wrote, “He who has no belief in the constructive programme, has...no concrete feeling for the starved millions; he who is devoid of that feeling cannot fight non-violently” [63]. Anxious to make Indian society truly free, Gandhi put at the centre of his constructive programme, the spinning wheel, the removal of untouchability and communal harmony. Cleansing and constructive activities both are positive aspects of satyagraha, each being indispensable to the other. Direct action to be non-violent should be rooted in and lead to reconstruction, while in this imperfect world the latter is bound occasionally to meet with obstructions which have to be removed by direct action. Notwithstanding his emphasis on constructive programme, Gandhi believed that non-violent direct action was difficult for several reasons. To fight with the opponent, satyagrahis must generate internal strength through self-purification by conscious and cooperative effort. Fighting against evils in others and harbouring them in oneself is neither truth nor non-violence. Purification does not mean just agitation and demonstration, nor even the excitement of jail-going. Constructive programme leaves no room for hypocrisy, compulsion and violence [64]. It does not provoke in the opponent violent feelings which may be aroused by direct action. Besides, the greater the cultivation of constructive non-violence, the less the need to offer civil disobedience [65]. Gandhi considered the definite, intelligent and free adoption of this programme as the attainment of the substance of independence and believed that this would surely be followed by the transfer of power to the people. In 1944, Gandhi observed, “...the constructive programme is the non-violent and truthful way of winning Poorna Swaraj. Its wholesale fulfilment is complete independence. Imagine, 40 crores of people [66] engaged in the whole of the constructive programme which is designed to build up the nation from the very bottom upward. Can anybody dispute the proposition that it must mean complete independence in every sense of the expression, including the ousting of foreign domination”. Gandhi said that success in a mass movement was impossible unless satyagrahis had the sincere backing of and firm control over the masses. The only way to acquire this control was to win the hearts of the masses and to establish a living contact with them. This was impossible unless satyagrahis “work for them, through them and in their midst, not as their patrons but their servants” [67]. Gandhi called constructive programme as “the permanent part of non-violent effort”, “the embodiment of the active principle of ahimsa” and “construction of Poorna Swaraj” [68]. |
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